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  1. #1
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    Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    How Long Can This Go On?

    by Paul Craig Roberts

    George W. Bush is a natural born liar. He lied us into a war, and now he is lying to keep us there. In his Oct. 6 self-congratulatory speech at that neoconservative shrine the National Endowment for Democracy, the president of the United States said: "Today there are more than 80 Iraqi army battalions fighting the insurgency alongside our forces."

    Eighty Iraqi battalions makes it sound like the U.S. is just lending Iraq a helping hand. I wonder what Congress and the U.S. commanders in Iraq thought when they heard there were 80 Iraqi battalions that American troops are helping to fight insurgents? Just a few days prior to Bush's speech, Generals Casey and Abizaid told Congress that, as a matter of fact, there was only one Iraqi battalion able to undertake operations against insurgents.

    I wonder, also, who noticed the great contradiction in Bush's speech. On the one hand, he claims steady progress toward freedom and democracy in Iraq. On the other hand, he seeks the American public's support for open-ended war.

    In her Princeton speech, Condi Rice made it clear that Iraq is just the beginning: "We have set out to help the people of the Middle East transform their societies. Now is not the time to falter or fade."

    On Oct. 5, Vice President Cheney let us know how long this commitment was to last: "Like other great duties in history, it will require decades of patient effort."

    Who's going to pay for these decades of war to which the Bush administration is committing Americans? Already the U.S. is spending $7 billion a month on war in Iraq alone. The nonpartisan Congressional Research Service says that if the Iraq war goes on another five years, it will cost at least $570 billion by 2010.

    Bush's war has already doubled the price of gasoline and home heating.

    With U.S. forces bogged down in Afghanistan (invaded Oct. 7, 2001) and Iraq (invaded March 20, 2003), Bush is plotting regime change in Syria and conspiring to set up Iran for attack.

    Is there a single person in the Office of Management and Budget, the U.S. Treasury, the Congressional Budget Office, or the Federal Reserve who thinks the U.S., already drowning in red ink, has the resources to fight wars for decades?

    And where will the troops come from? The U.S. cannot replace the losses in Iraq. We know about the 2,000 American troops killed, but we do not hear about the large number of wounded.
    UPI correspondent Martin Sieff reported on Oct. 7 that U.S. wounded jumped from 16.3 per day at the end of September to 28.5 per day at the beginning of October. Multiply that daily rate by 30 days and you get 855 wounded per month. Approximately half of these are wounded too seriously to return to combat.

    Has anyone in the administration pointed out to Bush, Cheney, and Condi Rice what decades of casualties at these rates mean?

    Insurgents are killing Iraqi security personnel who are collaborating with the U.S. occupation at the rate of two or three hundred per month. The wounded numbers are much higher.

    Last month, suicide bombers killed 481 Iraqis and wounded 1,074.

    Has anyone in the administration put these numbers in a decades-long context?

    Apparently not. Once these numbers are put on paper, not even Bush administration speech writers can continue to pen rhetorical justifications for war and more war.

    The neoconservative Bush administration prides itself on not being "reality-based." Facts get in the way of the administration's illusions and delusions. Bush's "80 Iraqi battalions" are like Hitler's secret weapons. They don't exist.

    Iraqis cannot afford to collaborate with the hated Americans or with the puppet government that the U.S. has put in place. Out of desperation, some do, but their heart is not in it. Few Iraqis are willing to die fighting for the United States and Likud Israel.

    When the 2nd Iraq Battalion graduated from U.S. training camp on Jan. 6, 2004, Defense Secretary Rumsfeld and U.S. commander in Iraq Gen. Ricardo Sanchez expressed "high expectations" that Iraqi troops, in the general's words, "would help us bring security and stability back to the country."

    Three months later when the 2nd Battalion was brought up to support the U.S. invasion of Fallujah, the battalion refused to fight and returned to its post. "We did not sign up to fight Iraqis," said the troops.

    Readers write in frustration: "Tell us what we can do." On the surface, it doesn't look like Bush can be stopped from trashing our country.

    The congressional mid-term elections are a year away. Moreover, the Democrats have failed as an opposition party and are compromised by their support for the war. Bush has three more years in which to mire America in a wider war. If Bush succeeds in starting wars throughout the Middle East, his successor will be stuck with them.

    Congressional Democrats and Republicans alike have made it clear that they are going to ignore demonstrations and public opinion. The print and TV media have made it clear that there will be no reporting that will hold the Bush administration accountable for its deceit and delusion.

    There still is a way to bring reality to the Bush administration. The public has the Internet. Is the antiwar movement well enough organized to collect via the Internet signatures on petitions for impeachment, perhaps one petition for each state? Millions of signatures would embarrass Bush before the world and embarrass our elected representatives for their failure to act.

    If no one in Congress acted on the petitions, all the rhetoric about war for democracy would fall flat. It would be obvious that there is no democracy in America.

    If the cloak of democracy is stripped away, Bush's "wars for democracy" begin to look like the foreign adventures of a megalomaniac. Remove Bush's rhetorical cover, and tolerance at home and abroad for Bush's war would evaporate. If Bush persisted, he would become a pariah.

    Americans may feel that they cannot undercut a president at war, in which case Americans will become an embattled people consumed by decades of conflict. Americans can boot out Bush or pay dearly in blood and money.


    Dr. Roberts is John M. Olin Fellow at the Institute for Political Economy and Research Fellow at the Independent Institute. He is a former associate editor of the Wall Street Journal and a former assistant secretary of the U.S. Treasury. He is the co-author of The Tyranny of Good Intentions.

  2. #2
    tommywho70x Guest

    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    Hop, skip, bump, Yo, Raider! YOU CHICKENSH!T GECKO LIPS (mozilla.org/insults/reptiles)


    Howz cum the Spindoctor of Nunyah hasn't got the ballz to joust with dchristie's PHD Journalism postings of PHD Editorial Opinons?

    Hmmm? Izee oudda yer league?

    Iz what dis article sez too true for you to argue?

    Come on big guy, letz see whatcha got, okay?

    Wassamada4u any wais? Are the wire service free lance writers and 'WUGNET.ORG' bloggers the only reporters you have the mental ammunition to argue with.~??

  3. #3
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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    Paulie roberts is not worthy of reply. The guy is a liar and a flat-out scum bag. It does not surprise me that Miss Roberts is DC's fovourite peddler of frothy filth. Goodbye thread. :cool:

  4. #4
    tommywho70x Guest

    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    You are without doubt the world's most chickensh!t sic semper fvcked up chickenhawk keyboard commando on "The Entire Network (Microsoft Windows networking. . .)".

    Every time someone drags an article in here that is either t00 true for you to attempt to refute with your right-wing wing-nut Bush's Brain Karl Rove a$$ki$$er bull$hit, you cop-out, thinking you are cool by slinging out a PDB Ad Hominum Non Sequitur fallacy that you think you can kill any thread with. PDF? Pretty Darned Foolish, Buddy (0/0)

    It ain't happening on this one, suckerface. You will argue the arguments and not the author's personal hygiene. Got "IT", a$$wipe#0x00000246+8^2=64.00+one.~??

    You and I are going to pick this one apart point-by-point or I'll smear your silly Avatar in your own pompous, defecatory pontifications all over this board worse than Jim Hightower and Molly Ivens have been bending dubya over and making him sniff his own bunghole for the past, umb? How many YYEEAARRZZZ.~??

    http://www.jimhightower.com/ America's #1 Populist

    http://www.creators.com/opinion_show...olumnsName=miv

    Screw IEv1.1 you IE6x,y,z-maxed dotard and the Trojan Horse team pulling your wagon. . .

  5. #5
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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    [R-G] America's Ministry of Propaganda Exposed -- Parts 1 - 4
    Tim Murphy info at cinox.demon.co.uk
    Wed Nov 12 00:51:39 MST 2003

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    http://www.earthisland.org/project/v...m?subSiteID=44


    -----------------------

    America's Ministry of Propaganda Exposed -- Parts 1 - 4

    By Gar Smith / The-Edge
    November 7, 2003

    Part One

    A Strategy of Lies: How the White House Fed the Public a Steady Diet of
    Falsehoods


    Colonel Sam Gardiner (USAF, Ret.) has identified 50 false news stories
    created and leaked by a secretive White House propaganda apparatus.
    Bush administration officials are probably having second thoughts about
    their decision to play hardball with former US Ambassador Joseph Wilson. Joe
    Wilson is a contender. When you play hardball with Joe, you better be
    prepared to deal with some serious rebound.

    After Wilson wrote a critically timed New York Times essay exposing as false
    George W. Bush's claim that Iraq had purchased uranium from Niger, high
    officials in the White House contacted several Washington reporters and
    leaked the news that Wilson's wife was a CIA agent.

    Wilson isn't waiting for George W. Bush to hand over the perp. In
    mid-October, the former ambassador began passing copies of an embarrassing
    internal report to reporters across the US. The-Edge has received copies of
    this document.

    The 56-page investigation was assembled by USAF Colonel (Ret.) Sam Gardiner.
    "Truth from These Podia: Summary of a Study of Strategic Influence,
    Perception Management, Strategic Information Warfare and Strategic
    Psychological Operations in Gulf II" identifies more than 50 stories about
    the Iraq war that were faked by government propaganda artists in a covert
    campaign to "market" the military invasion of Iraq.

    Gardiner has credentials. He has taught at the National War College, the Air
    War College and the Naval Warfare College and was a visiting scholar at the
    Swedish Defense College.

    According to Gardiner, "It was not bad intelligence" that lead to the
    quagmire in Iraq, "It was an orchestrated effort [that] began before the
    war" that was designed to mislead the public and the world. Gardiner's
    research lead him to conclude that the US and Britain had conspired at the
    highest levels to plant "stories of strategic influence" that were known to
    be false.

    The Times of London described the $200-million-plus US operation as a
    "meticulously planned strategy to persuade the public, the Congress, and the
    allies of the need to confront the threat from Saddam Hussein."

    The multimillion-dollar propaganda campaign run out of the White House and
    Defense Department was, in Gardiner's final assessment "irresponsible in
    parts" and "might have been illegal."

    "Washington and London did not trust the peoples of their democracies to
    come to the right decisions," Gardiner explains. Consequently, "Truth became
    a casualty. When truth is a casualty, democracy receives collateral damage."
    For the first time in US history, "we allowed strategic psychological
    operations to become part of public affairs... [W]hat has happened is that
    information warfare, strategic influence, [and] strategic psychological
    operations pushed their way into the important process of informing the
    peoples of our two democracies."

    Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld announced plans to create an Office of
    Strategic Influence early in 2002. At the same time British Prime Minister
    Tony Blair's Strategy Director Alastair Campbell was setting up an identical
    operation in London.

    As soon as Pvt. Jessica Lynch was airlifted from her hospital bed, the first
    call from her "rescue team" went, not to military officials but to Jim
    Wilkinson, the White House's top propaganda official stationed in Iraq.

    White House critics were quick to recognize that "strategic influence" was a
    euphemism for disinformation. Rumsfeld had proposed establishing the
    country's first Ministry of Propaganda.

    The criticism was so severe that the White House backed away from the plan.
    But on November 18, several months after the furor had died down, Rumsfeld
    arrogantly announced that he had not been deterred. "If you want to savage
    this thing, fine: I'll give you the corpse. There's the name. You can have
    the name, but I'm gonna keep doing every single thing that needs to be
    done -- and I have."

    Gardiner's dogged research identified a long list of stories that passed
    through Rumsfeld's propaganda mill. According to Gardiner, "there were over
    50 stories manufactured or at least engineered that distorted the picture of
    Gulf II for the American and British people." Those stories include:



    The link between terrorism, Iraq and 9/11

    Iraqi agents meeting with 9/11 hijacker Mohammed Atta

    Iraq's possession of chemical and biological weapons.

    Iraq's purchase of nuclear materials from Niger.

    Saddam Hussein's development of nuclear weapons.

    Aluminum tubes for nuclear weapons

    The existence of Iraqi drones, WMD cluster bombs and Scud missiles.

    Iraq's threat to target the US with cyber warfare attacks.

    The rescue of Pvt. Jessica Lynch.

    The surrender of a 5,000-man Iraqi brigade.

    Iraq executing Coalition POWs.

    Iraqi soldiers dressing in US and UK uniforms to commit atrocities.

    The exact location of WMD facilities

    WMDs moved to Syria.

    Every one of these stories received extensive publicity and helped form
    indelible public impressions of the "enemy" and the progress of the
    invasion. Every one of these stories was false.

    "I know what I am suggesting is serious. I did not come to these conclusions
    lightly," Gardiner admits. "I'm not going to address why they did it. That's
    something I don't understand even after all the research." But the fact
    remained that "very bright and even well-intentioned officials found how to
    control the process of governance in ways never before possible."

    (cont)

  6. #6
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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    (cont from prev. post)

    A Battle between Good and Evil

    Gardiner notes that cocked-up stories about Saddam's WMDs "was only a very small part of the strategic influence, information operations and marketing campaign conducted on both sides of the Atlantic."

    The "major thrust" of the campaign, Gardiner explains, was "to make a
    conflict with Iraq seem part of a struggle between good and evil. Terrorism
    is evil... we are the good guys.

    "The second thrust is what propaganda theorists would call the 'big lie.'
    The plan was to connect Iraq with the 9/11 attacks. Make the American people believe that Saddam Hussein was behind those attacks."

    The means for pushing the message involved: saturating the media with
    stories, 24/7; staying on message; staying ahead of the news cycle; managing expectations; and finally, being prepared to "use information to attack and punish critics."

    Audition in Afghanistan
    The techniques that proved so successful in Operation Iraqi Freedom were
    first tried out during the campaign to build public support for the US
    attack on Afghanistan.

    Rumsfeld hired Rendon Associates, a private PR firm that had been deeply
    involved in the first Gulf War. Founder John Rendon (who calls himself an
    "information warrior") proudly boasts that he was the one responsible for
    providing thousands of US flags for the Kuwaiti people to wave at TV cameras
    after their "liberation" from Iraqi troops in 1991.

    The White House Coalition Information Center was set up by Karen Hughes in
    November 2001. (In January 2003, the CIC was renamed the Office for Global
    Communications.) The CIC hit on a cynical plan to curry favor for its attack
    on Afghanistan by highlighting "the plight of women in Afghanistan." CIC's
    Jim Wilkinson later called the Afghan women campaign "the best thing we've
    done."

    Gardiner is quick with a correction. The campaign "was not about something
    they did. It was about a story they created... It was not a program with
    specific steps or funding to improve the conditions of women."

    The coordination between the propaganda engines of Washington and London
    even involved the respective First Wives. On November 17, 2001, Laura Bush
    issued a shocking statement: "Only the terrorists and the Taliban threaten
    to pull out women's fingernails for wearing nail polish." Three days later,
    a horrified Cherie Blaire told the London media, "In Afghanistan, if you
    wear nail polish, you could have your nails torn out."

    Misleading via Innuendo

    Time and again, US reporters accepted the CIC news leaks without question.
    Among the many examples that Gardiner documented was the use of the "anthrax scare" to promote the administration's pre-existing plan to attack Iraq.

    In both the US and the UK, "intelligence sources" provided a steady diet of
    unsourced allegations to the media to suggest that Iraq and Al Qaeda
    terrorists were behind the deadly mailing of anthrax-laden letters.

    It wasn't until December 18, that the White House confessed that it was
    "increasingly looking like" the anthrax came from a US military
    installation. The news was released as a White House "paper" instead of as a
    more prominent White House "announcement." As a result, the idea that Iraq
    or Al Qaeda were behind the anthrax plot continued to persist. Gardiner
    believes this was an intentional part of the propaganda campaign. "If a
    story supports policy, even if incorrect, let it stay around."

    In a successful propaganda campaign, Gardiner wrote, "We would have expected
    to see the creation [of] stories to sell the policy; we would have expected
    to see the same stories used on both sides of the Atlantic. We saw both. The
    number of engineered or false stories from US and UK stories is long."

    The US and Britain: The Axis of Disinformation
    Before the coalition invasion began on March 20, 2003, Washington and London agreed to call their illegal pre-emptive military aggression an "armed
    conflict" and to always reference the Iraqi government as the "regime."
    Strategic communications managers in both capitols issued lists of
    "guidance" terms to be used in all official statements. London's 15
    Psychological Operations Group paralleled Washington's Office of Global
    Communications.

    In a departure from long military tradition, the perception managers even
    took over the naming of the war. Military code names were originally chosen
    for reasons of security. In modern US warfare, however, military code names
    have become "part of the marketing." There was Operation Nobel Eagle,
    Operation Valiant Strike, Operation Provide Comfort, Operation Enduring
    Freedom, Operation Uphold Democracy and, finally, Operation Iraqi Freedom.

    The "Rescue" of Jessica Lynch

    The Pentagon's control over the news surrounding the capture and rescue of
    Pfc. Jessica Lynch receives a good deal of attention in Gardiner's report.
    "From the very beginning it was called an 'ambush'," Gardiner noted. But, he
    pointed out, "If you drive a convoy into enemy lines, turn around and drive
    back, it's not an ambush. Military officers who are very careful about how
    they talk about operations would normally not be sloppy about describing
    this kind of event," Gardiner complained. "This un-military kind of talk is
    one of the reasons I began doing this research."

    One of the things that struck Gardiner as revealing was the fact that, as
    Newsweek reported: "as soon as Lynch was in the air, [the Joint Operations
    Center] phoned Jim Wilkinson, the top civilian communications aide to
    CENTCOM Gen. Tommy Franks."

    It struck Gardiner as inexplicable that the first call after Lynch's rescue
    would go to the Director of Strategic Communications, the White House's top
    representative on the ground.

    On the morning of April 3, the Pentagon began leaking information on Lynch's
    rescue that sought to establish Lynch as "America's new Rambo." The
    Washington Post repeated the story it received from the Pentagon: that Lynch"sustained multiple gunshot wounds" and fought fiercely and shot several enemy soldier... firing her weapon until she ran out of ammunition."

    Lynch's family confused the issue by telling the press that their daughter
    had not sustained any bullet wounds. Lynch's parents subsequently refused to talk to the press, explaining that they had been "told not to talk about
    it." (Weeks later, the truth emerged. Lynch was neither stabbed nor shot.
    She was apparently injured while falling from her vehicle.)

    Rumsfeld and Gen. Myers let the story stand during an April 3 press
    conference although both had been fully briefed on Lynch's true condition.

    "Again, we see the pattern," Gardiner observed. "When the story on the
    street supports the message, it will be left there by a non-answer. The
    message is more important than the truth. Even Central Command kept the
    story alive by not giving out details."

    Gardiner saw another break with procedure. The information on the rescue
    that was released to the Post "would have been very highly classified" and
    should have been closely guarded. Instead, it was used as a tool to market
    the war. "This was a major pattern from the beginning of the marketing
    campaign throughout the war," Gardiner wrote. "It was okay to release
    classified information if it supported the message."

    (cont)

  7. #7
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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    (cont from prev. post)

    Part 2

    Transforming Language to Market the 'Big Lie'

    Iraq's 'Terrorist Death Squads'

    Secretary of State Colin Powell warned the UN General Assembly that Iraq
    possessed chemical, biological and nuclear weapons of mass destruction. Was
    Mr. Powell merely advancing "stories of strategic influence"? �Michael Gross
    / State Department photo
    To Gardiner, the "most serious transformation of language" involved
    Washington's directive to refer to Iraq's irregular troops as "terrorist
    death squads." The order apparently came down on March 25.

    Renaming the Iraqi defenders "terrorists" appears to have been part of the
    strategic influence campaign since it served to connect the Iraqi fighters
    with "one of the major themes of Gulf II -- Iraq = terrorist = 9/11."

    Gardiner stressed the role repetition plays in the "effective implementation
    of
    creating memory in a population" and observed that "this theme was
    successful by US opinion polls" that show a majority of US citizens now
    believe, in the absence of evidence, that Iraq "was connected" to 9/11.

    Ansar al-Salam
    The propaganda artists selected a small Kurdish splinter group called Ansar
    al-Salam and elevated it into an organized group of Al Qaeda "terrorists"
    who were "said to be" controlled by Saddam Hussein and "believed to be"
    producing ricin, a deadly biotoxin.

    Since Ansar al-Salam was formed shortly after 9/11, "it was tied to bin
    Laden." Because a single source claimed to have seen Republican Guard
    officers in the region, "it was tied to Saddam Hussein."

    "This was part of the 'big lie' to tie Iraq to 9/11," Gardiner wrote. "The
    'terrorist' connection took many other forms, many forms but the truth. I
    don't see evidenced they cherished the truth."

    Operation TELIC
    In the first days of the invasion, a US Marine Corps spokesman made a
    prophetic statement: "The first image of the war will define the conflict."

    The attempts to control those "first images" were of overriding interest to
    the coalition's ministries of propaganda. Because it was believed that the
    city of Basrah would quickly fall to the coalition troops, the "Battle of
    Basrah" was heavily scripted long before the first soldiers even entered
    Iraq.

    Marines were given food packets to hand out to Basrah children. Journalists
    were to be bused to the newly captured city and TV crews were to be flown in
    to film the "liberated" citizens welcoming coalition soldiers with smiles
    and flowers. The UK had expected to lead the attack on Basrah but, over
    Blair's objections, the US insisted on giving this plum assignment to the US
    Marines. Gardiner's sources in Britain told him that the sole reason was
    that the US "wanted to have their forces lead the victory into Basrah."

    When the residents of Basrah refused to be "liberated," the carefully
    planned media event evaporated in a hail of gunfire.

    "It was about image," Gardiner marvels. "So much effort and money on image."

    Salman Pak
    In a widely publicized September 12, 2002 briefing paper entitled, "Decade
    of Deception," the White House described "a highly secret terrorist training
    facility in Iraq known as Salman Pak, where both Iraqis and non-Iraqi Arabs
    receive training on hijacking planes and trains, planting explosives in
    cities, sabotage, and assassinations."

    "This facility became a major part of the strategic influence marketing
    effort," Gardiner writes. Yet, in the invasions aftermath, the Pentgon
    offered no "compelling evidence" that such a site existed.

    In his February 3 presentation to the United Nations, Secretary of State
    Colin Powell flashed a photo of an Ansar al-Salam "poison factory" in
    northern Iraq. In September 3, seven months after Powell's presentation, an
    Los Angeles Times reporter managed to reach the "poison factory," which he
    described as "a small cinderblock building bearing brown granules and
    ammonia-like scents." When the Times had the material tested, the granules
    turned out to be a commercial rat poison.


    (cont)

  8. #8
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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    (cont from prev. post )

    US Lied about Attacks on Iraq's Power Grid

    Secretary Powell claimed that Iraq possessed mobile trucks designed to
    produce biological weapons. When invading forces located the trucks it
    turned out they were actually designed to produce hydrogen for surveillance
    balloons and Iraq had bought the trucks from the Britain.

    When the capital city of Baghdad was blacked out by a power failure during
    the April bombardment, Pentagon spokesperson Victoria "Tori" Clarke rushed
    to assure the world that "We did not have the power grid as a target. That
    was not us."

    The facts would subsequently show that the US had targeted portions of the
    power grid. In the North, a special operations team staged an attack on the
    Hadithah Dam on April 1 or 2. Human Rights Watch documented at least two
    attacks on the power grid south of Baghdad "along Highway 6 [that] included
    a Tomahawk [missile] strike using carbon fibers."

    The use of a sophisticated carbon-fiber weapons is significant since the
    deployment of these specialized devices required prior approval from
    Washington.

    Iraq's "Dirty Bomb"
    In June 2002, an Iraqi expatriate named Khidhir Manza told the Wall Street
    Journal that the situation was "ideal for countries like Iraq to train and
    support a terrorist operation using radiation weapons." Manza's interview
    with the Journal was arranged by the Iraqi National Congress, a group of
    Iraqi exiles that was set up by the Rendon Group and supported financially
    by agencies of the US government. (See Weapons of Mass Deception, by John
    Stauber and Sheldon Rampton.)

    Helping to make Manza's charges more credible, unnamed intelligence
    officials earlier had told the International Herald Tribune that "they are
    kept awake at night by the prospect of a dirty bomb." Astute readers will
    note that these anonymous sources never actually said Iraq had a dirty bomb.
    It was all managed through suggestion and innuendo.

    American's Heroic Hostage
    In an episode that recalled the creation of the "Old Shoe, the fictitious
    hero concocted by Robert deNiro's ace "perception manager" in the film "Wag
    the Dog," Washington's propaganda artists literally brought someone back
    from the dead.

    Lt. Commander Scott Speicher had been shot down during the first Gulf War in
    1991. In an attempt to generate sympathy and support for Bush's pre-emptive
    war, "intelligence sources" began circulating a bizarre new story to the US
    media. In what Gardiner called "a pattern typical of created stories," these
    unnamed sources started a rumor that Commander Speicher had not only
    survived but that he had somehow spent the past decade trapped in an Iraqi
    prison.

    Iraqi officials vehemently denied that they were holding Speicher or, for
    that matter, any Americans. When asked about the Iraqi denial at a press
    conference, Rumsfeld's response was calculatingly oblique. "I don't believe
    much the regime puts out," Rumsfeld stated.

    In Gardiner's estimation, Rumsfeld's answer "was too clever not to have been
    formulated to leave the impression that [Speicher] was alive."

    Gardiner was troubled by Rumsfeld's apparent disinterest in the truth but,
    as a former military officer, there was another question that bothered
    Gardiner even more. "Why didn't [Rumsfeld] consider what he was doing to
    Speicher's family?"

    On January 11, 2001, Speicher's status was changed from KIA (Killed in
    Action) to MIA (Missing in Action). As the invasion forces gathered in the
    Middle East, Speicher's status was changed once more, to "captured." Navy
    officials who contacted ABC News reported that they had been pressured to
    make this change.

    In January, "intelligence officials" continued to leak information to the
    media that suggested Speicher was still alive. In April, the secretive
    ministry of propaganda leaked a report that his initials had been found on
    the wall of a cell in Iraq. Gardiner found this leak particularly strange
    since "Military POW recovery personnel are very careful about releasing
    information that would cause false hope in families." The release of such
    information would also, obviously, endanger the captives.

    Long after Baghdad fell and the media's attention had been drawn to the
    fruitless search for weapons of mass destruction, a reporter thought to ask
    Rumsfeld about America's lost hero. The secretary replied vaguely that there
    was "nothing turned up thus far that I could elaborate on that would be
    appropriate." On July 16, a Washington Times investigation belatedly
    concluded that there was "no evidence" Speicher had survived or had been
    held captive in Iraq.

    Chemical Cluster Bombs
    On March 10, administration officials attempted to discredit Hans Blix and
    UNMOVIC, the UN weapons inspection program. Administration officials told
    the Boston Globe that "Blix did not give details... of the possible
    existence of a cluster bomb that could deliver deadly poisons."

    Presidential spokesperson Ari Fleischer claimed that the US was "aware of
    UNMOVIC's discovery of Iraqi production of munitions capable of dispensing
    both chemical and biological weapons." Videotape was released allegedly
    showing the Iraqis testing a cluster bomb for dispersing chemical weapons.

    "The chemical cluster bomb story certainly didn't linger," Gardiner wrote.
    "It was around only a couple of days, but it still served its purpose at the
    time."

    Few newspaper readers or TV watchers realized that there was never any
    evidence that Iraq had such technologically complex weapons. Indeed, the
    Pentagon had dismissed the possibility of Iraq ever developing these weapons
    during the first Gulf War.

    Iraq's Planned Computer Attack on America
    An alarming White House paper presented by Paul Wolfowitz before a meeting
    of the Council on Foreign Relations warned that Iraqi engineers were
    preparing a vast attack on the country's computer networks.

    The warning came from a single source who claimed that Iraq's Intelligence
    Service was working with the Babylon Software Company to break into US
    computers, steal documents and spread viruses. There were no such attacks.
    There was no such program.

    (cont)

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    Iraqi Troops in US Uniforms

    On March 7, White House Deputy Director of Communications Jim Wilkinson,
    described as "a senior US official," released a story about Iraq's alleged
    acquisition of US and UK military uniforms "identical down to the last
    detail." Wilkinson claimed Iraqis in US camouflage were planning to commit
    battlefield atrocities to cast discredit on coalition troops.

    On March 26, Pentagon spokesperson Victoria "Tori" Clarke embellished the
    story. Clarke told reporters that "we knew they were acquiring uniforms that
    looked like US and UK uniforms. And the reporting was ... [that Saddam
    Hussein would] give them to the thugs, as I call them, to go out, carry out
    reprisals against the Iraqi people, and try to blame it on coalition
    forces."

    Two days later, Rumsfeld added a new twist, claiming that Saddam Hussein's
    troops planned to don UK an US uniforms "to try to fool regular Iraqi
    soldiers into surrendering to them and then execute them as an example for
    others."

    There were never any reports of Iraq attempting such stunts. In his report,
    Gardiner concludes: "The way it was put by Jim Wilkinson (a name that keeps
    appearing in these questionable stories), it seems to fit a pattern of
    pre-blaming Iraq. It has the feel of being a created story."

    Iraq's Scud Missiles
    In the lead-up to the war, the British and American people were told
    repeatedly that Iraq had Scud missiles capable of striking Israel. When the
    invasion began, Iraq began to fire what the Pentagon called "Scud-type
    missiles." As Gardiner discovered, these rockets "were not Scuds and we have
    found no Scuds, but for three days they kept the story alive."

    In October 2002, a CIA report determined that evidence for the existence of
    Iraqi Scuds was inconclusive. Nonetheless, by the time Colin Powell stepped
    up to the plate at the UN, the missiles had become an accepted fact as far
    as Washington, London and Tel Aviv were concerned.

    During the invasion, "American officials" told the New York Times that "the
    sheer tenacity of the Iraqi fight" near a compound at Al Qa'im had led them
    to believe that "the Iraqis might be defending Scud missiles" hidden at the
    site. Gardiner notes laconically: "No Scuds or WMDs were found at Al Qa'im."

    Saddam's Remote-Controlled Drones
    The CIA's October report also claimed that Iraq had converted some J-29 jet
    fighters to deliver chemical and biological weapons. George W. Bush quickly
    seized on this specter for a speech in Cincinnati, where he told the
    astonished crowd that Saddam's poison-laden aircraft were capable of hitting
    US soil.

    By the time Powell testified before the UN, the threat had been measurably
    pared down -- the fighter jets had become smaller, remotely piloted drones.
    Mr. Bush went public with the extraordinary claimed that these tiny drones
    could strike the US.

    On June 15, an Air Force team in Iraq finally seized the drones. The Los
    Angeles Times described them as "five burned and blackened 9-foot-wings."
    The Air Force captain in charge of the inspection concluded that the drones
    could have been "a student project or maybe a model."

    A subsequent investigation by the USAF determined that the drones' only
    possible mission was to take pictures.

    (cont)

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    Part 3

    America's Ministry of Propaganda -- Part Three
    By Gar Smith / The-Edge
    November 7, 2003
    Targeting Critics, Spreading Lies, and PSYOPS


    Protesters in Baghdad lie down in the path of US armored vehicles. The White
    House Office of Global Communication is not interested in distributing
    photos of ordinary Iraqi citizens nonviolently demonstration against the US
    occupation.
    The tools of strategic influence were not only wielded against Saddam
    Hussein, they were also turned against foreign allies and domestic critics
    who dared to question Bush's agenda. The French were among the first to feel
    the sting of these attacks.

    Sam Gardiner's report notes that the French were clearly "the focus of
    punishment in the strategic influence campaign." He has identified "at least
    eight times when false stories or engineered stories were aimed at them, the
    majority appearing after their lack of support in the UN for US and UK
    actions."

    In September, government sources informed the New York Times that the French
    and German governments had provided Iraq with precision switches that could
    be used to produce nuclear weapons. The Times ran the story before
    discovering that the France and Germany had both, in fact, refused to
    provide the switches.

    "American intelligence sources" told the Washington Postthat the French
    possessed illegal strains of smallpox virus. Again, the story was false.

    The Washington Times received a tip from "US intelligence sources" that two
    companies in France had sold equipment to Saddam. The companies denied the
    charge and no evidence was ever provided to sustain the charge.

    On April 9, Brig. Gen. Brooks told the media that his troops had discovered
    "an underground storage facility containing... Roland-type air defense
    missiles." Lt. Greg Holmes, an army intelligence officer, told Newsweek that
    US soldiers had found "51 Roland-2 missiles, made by a partnership of French
    and German arms manufacturers." Holmes also stated that at least one of the
    Roland missiles "was manufactured last year."

    The story served to further defame the irascible French but, Gardiner writes
    with a touch of sarcasm, the story "was not very well put together" since it
    turned out that "the production line for the Roland-2 was shut down in
    1993."


    Punishing the French
    For the French, the War of the Leaks was just beginning. On May 6, "US
    intelligence officials" were quoted as telling the Washington Times that "an
    unknown number of Iraqis who worked for Saddam Hussein's government were
    given passports by French officials in Syria." The story was kept alive by a
    succession of press leaks attributed to "State Department and intelligence
    officials," and a bevy of "Administration officials."

    On May 6, Fox News reported that "Paris had been colluding with Baghdad
    before and during the coalition invasion." On May 7, the Washington Times,
    citing reports from "US officials," claimed that "officials of the Saddam
    Hussein government... fled Iraq with French passports."

    The French government angrily denied the allegations and accused Washington
    of running a "smear campaign." But when the press confronted Rumsfeld about
    these accusations, he "followed pattern." Instead of confirming or denying
    the charges against the French, he simply smiled and said, "I have nothing
    to add."

    As Gardiner sees it, the intended effect of that kind of non-answer was that
    "he wanted people to believe the stories."

    This campaign of Francophobe fibbing eventually contaminated the White House
    press briefings. On May 14, a reporter asked White House press officer Scott
    McClellan about the stories accusing the French of selling Iraq arms and
    issuing passports to fleeing Iraqi officials. "Are those charges valid?" the
    reporter asked.

    McClellan's response: "Well, I think that those are questions you can
    address to France."

    Reporter: On that point, Scott, do you have any information that the French
    did, in fact, issue passports to people so that...."

    McClellan: I think -- no, I think that's a question you need to address to
    France."

    Reporter: Well, no. It's information the US claims to have.

    McClellan: I don't have anything for you.

    "The Secretary of Defense told us before the war he was going to do
    strategic influence," Gardiner notes wryly. "It appears as if the French
    were a target."

    (cont)

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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    (cont. from prev. post)

    Targeting Domestic Critics: The Galloway Forgeries

    The White House claimed that these aluminum tubes were proof that Iraq was
    attempting to produce nuclear weapons. US intelligence agents knew the
    truth: the tubes were useless for nuclear processing.
    In Britain, Labor Member of Parliament George Galloway became an open
    skeptic of Tony Blair's rhetoric. In a bold attempt to avoid war, Galloway
    had gone to Iraq to interview Saddam Hussein in hopes of promoting a
    diplomatic resolution to the crisis.

    Galloway's skepticism began to gnaw away at Bush-and-Blair's broad-brush
    claims that Hussein was only months away from building a nuclear bomb or
    that he was capable of launching a WMD attack within 45 minutes.

    Galloway soon found himself under attack. Government officials leaked a
    packet of supposedly "classified documents" to the Daily Telegraph. The
    papers, which were represented as having been seized from Iraq's Foreign
    Ministry, suggested MP Galloway had accepted "payoffs" from the Iraqi
    government.

    At he same time, in the US, a "retired general" contacted the Christian
    Science Monitoron April 25, with similar documents showing that Hussein had
    given Galloway $10 million.

    Galloway's reputation was seriously sullied. It wasn't until June 20, that
    the Monitor disclosed that the "general's" incriminating documents were
    forged. The documents released in Britain also turned out to be forgeries.

    The White Flag Incidents
    On March 24, Pentagon briefing officer Tori Clarke told reporters that "the
    Iraqi regime is engaged in other deadly deceptions. They are sending forces
    out carrying white surrender flags... The most serious violations of the
    laws of war."

    There were only two alleged incidents cited to support this story. One
    appeared engineered and Gardiner now believes that the other incident was
    "fabricated to cover a very serious friendly-fire event."

    On March 23, a Marine unit came under artillery fire near Nasiriyah in
    southern Iraq soon after some Iraqi soldiers had surrendered. Gen. Abizaid,
    the Deputy Commander of CENTCOM called the surrender "a ruse" to draw the
    Marines into an ambush. Gardiner finds this difficult to believe since it
    was well known that "the Iraqi Army had trouble coordinating artillery fire
    at all."

    The other "White Flag" incident was a widely reported tragedy in which Iraqi
    soldiers shot civilians who were trying to flee to safety under a white
    flag. But the Iraqi soldiers were also killed, Gardiner notes.

    Other white flag incidents were not mentioned by the Pentagon or Messrs.
    Bush and Blair. Gardiner recalls one "memorable picture of the war" that
    showed "British troops standing over two dead Iraqis in a foxhole: they had
    been holding up a white flag."

    George W. Bush repeated the white flag story on April 5. By then, Bush
    should have been aware of the real cause of those Marine deaths. Gardiner
    reports that, according to the surviving Marines, nine of those killed "may
    have been killed by an A-10 [a US military aircraft] that made repeated
    passes attacking their position."

    A report released in October indicates that these deaths were being
    investigated as a "friendly fire accident." At least one of the young
    Marines caught in the supposed Iraqi "ruse" was, in fact, killed by a round
    fired from an A-10 gun that hit him directly in the chest.

    The Execution of Prisoners
    At a joint news conference with Mr. Bush at Camp David on March 27, British
    PM Tony Blair informed the media that the Iraqis had executed two British
    prisoners. "If anyone needs any further evidence of the depravity" of
    Hussein's reign, Blair suggested, this was it.

    Unfortunately, further evidence was exactly what Blair lacked. The very next
    day the sister of one of the dead soldiers told the Daily Mirrorthat her
    brother's colonel "told us he was not executed. We just can't understand why
    people are lying."

    Pentagon spokesperson Victoria Clarke also told reporters that the Iraqis
    had killed "Americans who had either surrendered or were attempting to
    surrender." This report turned out to be "unconfirmed."

    A week after the British press had attacked the "executions" story as a
    total fabrication, and Blair's press spokesperson had been forced to admit
    that there was no "absolute evidence" to support the story, George W. Bush
    told the American Forces Press Service: "They have executed prisoners of
    war." Bush repeated the falsehood on April 5 and Rumsfeld echoed the lie on
    April 7.

    The US press attempted to catch up to their British counterparts by
    questioning Rumsfeld on April 7. As usual, Rumsfeld's defense was the
    non-answer.

    Reporter: Mr. Secretary, you stated flatly that American POWs have been
    executed. On what basis do you make that statement?

    Rumsfeld: I think I said they have executed prisoners of war.

    Reporter: Are you saying that there have not been American prisoners
    executed then?

    Rumsfeld: I'm not saying that either. There may very well have been, but I'm
    not announcing that, if that's what you're asking... We do know that they
    executed a lot of prisoners of war over the years."

    The Shula District Bombing
    On March 29, an explosion in an open-air market in Baghdad's Shula District
    killed more than 50 Iraqi civilians. The Iraqi government condemned the
    attack and blamed it on coalition bombers. US military spokespersons tried
    to turn the blame back on Iraq, suggesting that the civilians were killed by
    Iraqi artillery or anti-aircraft rockets that went awry.

    British journalist Robert Fisk reachned the site soon after the massacre and
    uncovered a 30-centimeter shard of shrapnel that showed the serial number of
    the weapon that caused the massacre. It was a HARM missile built by the US
    military contractor Raytheon.

    On April 3, CENTCOM issued a new story claiming to have received "reliable
    information" that the Hussein regime was planning to bomb Shiite Muslim
    neighborhoods in Baghdad so that it could blame the damage on the US-UK
    coalition.

    "The CENTCOM cover story came from Jim Wilkinson," Gardiner discovered. The
    British, however, refused to support this argument. They continued to claim
    (rightly, it now appeared) that no British bombs had caused the death and
    devastation in the Shula District.

    PSYOPS -- The Darkest Face of Deception
    "Strategic influence is aimed at international audiences (and maybe domestic
    audiences)," Gardiner explains, while PSYOPS (Psychological Operations) "are
    targeted at the bad guys."

    The disturbing thing about this war, Gardiner found, was that "PSYOPS became
    a major part of the relationship between the governments of the US and the
    UK and the free press."

    The record reveals how the Pentagon, State Department and White House all
    relied on PSYOPS techniques to manipulate the media as a psychological
    weapon against the Iraqis.

    When Rumsfeld declared that "The days of Saddam Hussein are numbered," that the "regime is starting to lose control of their country," and that "The
    outcome is clear. The regime of Saddam Hussein is gone. It's over," he was
    really using the US media to send a message to the people in Iraq.

    On March 24, British Air Marshall Brian Burridge told the press that the old
    regime was "crumbling" and encouraged Saddam's opponents to "develop greater
    levels of courage" and rise up against the dictator.

    There was no better example of PSYOPS "distorting the free press with false
    information," Gardiner claims, than the alleged surrender of Iraq's 51st
    Division.

    On March 21, Reuters (citing "defense officials, who asked not to be
    identified") reported the stunning news that an entire Iraqi division had
    surrendered en mass to US Marines in southern Iraq.

    CBS News followed with a report the next day claiming that "an entire
    division of the Iraqi army, numbering 8,000 soldiers, surrendered to
    coalition forces." CBS's source: unnamed "Pentagon officials."

    The surrender of the 51st became a major news story that truly seemed to
    confirm the Pentagon's predictions of a quick and easy victory. "It was told
    as if it were a truth," Gardiner writes. "It was told on both sides of the
    Atlantic. It had been coordinated. It was not true."

    The story was intended to break the fighting will of the Iraqi army. On
    March 23, reporters from Agence France-Presse and Al-Jazeera TV managed to
    reach Col. Khaled al-Hashemi, the commander of the 51st. He replied in no
    uncertain terms that he not only had not surrendered but he would remain in
    Basrah and "continue to defend the people."

    The surrender of an entire division would have been a powerful blow to the
    will of the Iraqi army. The perception managers knew this. It is clear to
    Gardiner that this story "was not an intelligence failure. You would know if
    you have an entire division" suddenly surrendering. The story was a PSYOPS
    hoax.

    Other PSYOPS hoaxes were to follow. Stories were leaked that Hussein had
    made secret plans to spirit his family out of Iraq to safety. It was rumored
    that Hussein had deposited $3.5 billion in Libyan banks.

    (cont)

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    (cont. from prev. post)


    Part 4

    America's Ministry of Propaganda -- Part Four
    By Gar Smith / The-Edge
    November 7, 2003
    Black Programs and the Future of Propaganda


    Gardiner claims that the Pentagon was behind the creation of the
    "EmpowerPeace" website. Gardiner says the site was pulled because it
    violated US laws against domestic propaganda but the site can still be found
    on the Web (www.empowerpeace.org). The-Edge has invited EmpowerPeace to
    respond to Gardiner's assertions.

    The bogus "surrender" of Iraq's 51st division raised a "profound question"
    for Gardiner: "If we would manipulate truth, would we also manipulate
    evidence? That would be very serious. Is that what the Secretary of Defense
    meant when he said he was going to be doing strategic influence?"

    Milt Bearden, a former CIA manager for clandestine operations has a related
    question: "It will be important to learn who was behind the fake Niger
    document [alleging Iraq's attempt to obtain uranium ore] and why and what
    other information driving American policies might carry their fingerprints."

    The falsehoods about Iraq's alleged attempt to purchase African uranium
    turned out to be based on a forged document. Gardiner wonders why no one in
    the administration is asking who forged the document? Who stood to gain from
    this unconscionable act of "creating evidence"? Gardiner believes that the
    American people have "a need to know."

    Another probable "black program" identified by Gardiner involved the
    planting of a false story that Saddam Hussein had taken refuge in the
    Russian Embassy in Baghdad. The story served to slime the Russians, who had
    refused to back Bush's pre-emptive invasion.

    In the oddest example of perception management, Pentagon media masters
    actually created a website to promote world peace. The "EmpowerPeace"
    website appeared to represent a citizen's anti-war movement. The goal seemed
    to be to foster the impression that the US people (and especially US
    children) were essentially peace-loving. "It looked like a grassroots
    effort," Gardiner recalls. "It seems to have been aimed at the Arab audience
    set."

    The EmpowerPeace website didn't last long. The reason, Gardiner suspects, is
    that its creation probably violated the Smith-Mundt Act of 1948, which bans
    the domestic dissemination of government propaganda.

    Gardiner found another "strange website" called "The Iraq Crisis Bulletin,"
    which offered daily updates and reports from around the world. The site was
    recommended by the American Press Institute but there was "absolutely no
    indication of the sponsor of the site." With a little research, Gardiner
    discovered that "the articles were [written] by Voice of America
    correspondents."

    The problem with this, Gardiner notes, is that "the Voice of America is
    prohibited from doing communications for the American press. But, during
    Gulf II, it was getting the message to them." The VOA refused to respond to
    Gardiner's requests for information on "The Iraq Crisis Bulletin."

    (cont)

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    (cont. from prev. post)


    Collateral Damage

    Mapping the Ministry of Propaganda, a historic merging of politics,
    militarism and public "perception management." The Coalition Information
    Center with offices in the London, Islamabad and the White House started
    work in mid-2002 (six months before it was officially authorized by an
    Executive Order). In 2003, the CIC morphed into the Office of Global
    Communications, staffed by Tucker Eskew, Dan Bartllett, Jeff Jones, Peter
    Reid. The OGC works closely with the White House Iraq Group, which consists
    of Karl Rove, Condi Rice, Jim Wilkinson, Stephen Hadley, Scooter Libby,
    Karen Hughes, Mary Matalin, and Nicholas Callo.

    Gardiner wraps up his 56-page investigation with a series of charts that
    assess several Defense Department press briefings to determine the role
    played by PSYOPS, false or engineered information, and non-informative
    responses. His conclusion: "Even if you give them slack for not giving any
    information, it turns out that more than half the answers were not truth...
    Maybe a better way to say it would be that if an American (or Brit) were
    diligent about wanting to understand the war, he could not rely on the
    statements made by the US Secretary of Defense and Chairman of the Joint
    Chiefs of Staff."

    Perhaps the penultimate example of the non-responsive response came in an
    April 7 DOD press briefing when General Myers was asked about the status of
    the chemical missile unit cited by Secretary Powell during his UN testimony.
    Powell had told the world that Iraq had outfitted a group of rockets on the
    outskirts of Baghdad with warheads filled with WMD and was prepared to fire
    them at a moment's notice.

    According to Gardiner, Myers "was very evasive, saying that he did not
    recall ever having heard about such a unit."

    The Future: The OGC, the Roadmap and 'Strategic Fusion'
    Perception management (the art of propaganda, misdirection and lies, if you
    will) is no longer discreetly hidden away in some dark wing of the
    intelligence or defense establishments: It has become firmly enshrined right
    down the hall from the Oval Office.
    The Office of Global Communications (OGC) is centered in the White House. If
    there is a Ministry of Propaganda in the Bush administration, the OGC is it.
    As Gardiner notes: "The White House is at the center of the strategic
    communications process."

    The OGC has two components: One committee deals with conducting the
    perception of the war on terrorism while a second committee concentrates on
    "more general" propaganda projects.

    According to the Times of London, the exact dispensation of the OGC's $200
    million operating budget is largely a mystery. It is known that the OGC
    spent $250,000 on its military pressroom in Doha.

    Gardiner discovered that "at times there were as many as three Brits
    associated with the Office of Global Communications. These assets were
    networked. To insure the military would be a willing part of the network,
    three people from the White House Office of Global Communications were sent
    to work with Central Command. Jim Wilkinson became General Franks' Director
    of Strategic Communications.

    "The war was handled like a political campaign. Everyone in the message
    business was from the political communications community. In London, there
    was a parallel organization and a parallel coordination process. They kept
    the coordination with secure video teleconferences."

    The system worked well but, as John Rendon revealed at a London conference
    on July 3, there was still room for improvement. Rendon told his fellow
    conferees that the idea of using "embedded journalists" was quite successful
    and worked just as they hoped it would from tests they had run to gauge how
    reporters would perform once they bonded with the soldiers in their assigned
    units.

    One of the mistakes, Rendon said, was that while they had taken command of
    the story, they had "lost control of the context." The problem was the
    veteran newsmen in the networks: they had "too much control of context,"
    Rendon complained. "That has to be fixed for the next war," Rendon declared.

    At the same conference, Captain Gerald Mauer, the Joint Staff Assistant
    Deputy Director for Information Operations, observed that public diplomacy
    and public affairs are slowly morphing into a single combined information
    operation. Mauer envisions a Strategic Fusion Center that "brings everything
    together." The Pentagon is already hard at work crafting an Information
    Operations Roadmap.

    Mauer also told his fellow perception managers that "We hope to make more
    use of Hollywood and Madison Avenue in the future." The overall goal remains
    the same Mauer explained: to allow the men who now control Washington to
    "disrupt, corrupt or usurp adversarial... decision-making."

    Gardiner finds that the future envisioned by Rendon and Mauer is
    fundamentally "frightening." The phrase "adversarial... decision-making will
    be disrupted" reportedly was added by Douglas Feith, the Under Secretary of
    Defense for Policy. What it means, Gardiner warns, is that "we will even go
    after friends if they are against what we are doing or want to do."

    Criticism, questioning and debate are now defined as "adversarial" and the
    new watchword out of Washington is: "If you don't agree with us, you could
    be the target of an information attack." The new reality is that "punishment
    of those who disagree is a dimension of the strategy."

    "If the democracies of the United States and the United Kingdom are based
    upon informed, open debate of the issues," Gardiner states, "we've got some
    fixing to do.

    "It's not enough to look at the arguments about weapons of mass destruction
    before the war," Gardiner argues. "There needs to be an inquiry of the
    broader question of how spin got to be more important than substance. What
    roles did information operations and strategic psychological operations play
    in the war" What controls need to be placed on information operations?"

    Solutions Are Needed to Control Information Warfare
    Sam Gardiner has become the Paul Revere of our generation. He has raised a
    cry: It is no longer "The Redcoats are coming!" but "The PSYOPS are coming!"

    "We need a major investigation," Gardiner insists. "We need restrictions on
    which parts of the government can do information operations. We should not
    do information operations against friends. We have to get this back in
    control."

    One remedy is the Smith-Mundt Act, which was created in the aftermath of
    WWII with the intent of protecting American citizens from brainwashing by
    covert government propaganda campaigns. Unfortunately, Gardiner has
    discovered, the Smith-Mundt Act "no longer works." We became collateral
    damage, a target group of messages intended for other groups."

    Gardiner's findings have not yet received due attention from the US media
    and with good cause. Gardiner's investigation revealed that the mainstream
    media not only failed to stand up to the government and insist on the truth,
    they all too often submitted in complicit cooperation with the government.
    Even in peacetime, the corporate media is an "embedded" media.

    Gardiner has some hard questions for America's press barons:

    "How was it that the Washington Post took classified information on the
    Jessica Lynch story and published it just the way the individual leaking it
    in the Pentagon wanted?"

    "Why did the New York Times let itself be used by 'intelligence officials'
    on stories?"

    "Why did the Washington Times never seem to question a leak they were
    given?"

    "Why were newspapers in the UK better than those in the US in raising
    questions before and during the war?"

    Since releasing his study, Gardiner has had the opportunity to talk with
    many people in the print media. While many have appeared "quite interested"
    in his findings, Gardiner admits that he has "not heard any self-criticism
    from reporters to whom I have talked." In conversations with TV producers
    and reporters, Gardiner found the prevailing reaction was that "the whole
    story is just too complex to tell."

    Gardiner's most disheartening reaction came during a presentation at "a
    major Washington think tank." Most of the Washington veterans in the
    audience kept asking, "So, what's new?" And when Gardiner opined that there
    was "no passion for truth in those who were taking us to war," he distinctly
    heard callous laughter breaking out among his listeners.

    It is the sound of that brittle laughter that keeps Sam Gardiner going.
    Things must be changed. The dragons of information warfare must be slain.

    As Gardiner says: "I pain for our democratic process when I find individuals
    not angered at being deceived."


    ----------------------------------------------------------------------------
    ----

    Gar Smith is Editor Emeritus of Earth Island Journal, Roving Editor at
    The-Edge (www.the-edge.org) and co-founder of Environmentalists Against War
    (www.envirosagainstwar.org).

    Sam Gardiner's complete report is available online in six PDF files at :
    www.indybay.org/news/2003/10/1653148.php


    Sam Gardiner may be reached at: SamGard at aol.com

    For more information on the Bush administration's use of propaganda to
    misinform the public and promote wars of domination, see Weapons of Mass
    Deception, by John Stauber and Sheldon Rampton and visit the website of
    PRWatch: www.prwatch.org/books/wmd.html.

    For more information contact:

    (510) THE-EDGE (843-3343)
    E-mail us at gsmith at earthisland.org

    THE-EDGE is a project of Earth Island Institute.

    -------------------------------

  14. #14
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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    Long live the Commander In Chief!!

    OH-YEAH!!

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    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    Quote Originally Posted by Kool-Aid
    Long live the Commander In Chief!!

    OH-YEAH!!
    OH YEAH.. AND JAIL TO THE CHIEF !

  16. #16
    Kool-Aid Guest

    Re: Fresh Servings Of Bush Crime Gang Lies

    Quote Originally Posted by dchristie
    OH YEAH.. AND JAIL TO THE CHIEF !

    Come on dcrusty - that will never happen and you know it.

    OH-YEAH!!

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